In the second part of this interview, Simon Hix, professor in the Department of Government at the London School of Economics and Political Science, puts into perspective the use and reach of referendums in member states. He also gives us some pronostics about the future of political Europe.
Simon Hix is professor in the Department of Government at the London School of Economics and Political Science. He provided evidence to the European Scrutiny Committee in the House of Commons during the parliamentary debates on the EU Bill. In this interview to Nouvelle Europe, he gives his impressions on the significance and relevance of this piece of legislation which requires a referendum before any further transfer of power to the EU.
The Polish foreign policy has recently had a good press in the mainstream media. A departure from the times of romantic passions, often marked by russophobia, disorganization and pettiness, which have been associated with the government of the Kaczynski brothers (formed by their party Law and Justice, ‘Prawo i Sprawiedliwość’) is repeatedly mentioned. What has happened? What will be the consequences of such a change? This article aims to assess these changes it the context of the European politics.
Currently, David Cameron is the new face on the diplomatic stage in Europe – at the World Economic Forum in Davos, at the European Council Summits in Brussels, at the Security Conference in Munich. If the coalition government plays an active role on the European stage, who are its partners? The analysis of a summit that took place in London in late January, called “UK-Nordic-Baltic”, reveals that British foreign policy has developed a new strategic priority: Northern Europe.
In the wake of last week's article, this one follows a conference which took place at Westminster on February 1rst and gathered Members of Parliament from the three main British parties – the Conservative Party, the Labour and the Liberal Democrats. The debate helped us answer these questions: how can we characterize the British new stance towards the EU? And how does the growing division between euro-pragmatists and euro-sceptics affect the UK’s position in the EU?
The election of the new coalition government in the UK in spring 2010 has brought a more defensive attitude towards the European Union. A good example of this political change after ten years of “positive pragmatism” under the New Labour government is the European Union Bill. After two readings at the House of Commons, the bill began the Committee stage in January – a word-by-word analysis of the bill’s measures. But for some Conservative MPs, it seems that the bill does not go far enough.
Take a random class in a European highschool and start a discussion on the history and national memories of the twentieth century. It turns out that Westerners often ignore the realities of Eastern European history and impose their memory of World War Two. How is this possible? How can we remedy this at the European level?
Many remember the European Union presidency of French leader Sarkozy and its strong management of the Russia-Georgia conflict in August 2008. During one summer, the EU seemed at last to act like a global player. Yet some analysts suggest that the influence of France and the EU on the solution of the crisis was clearly overrated.
According to statistics, Belarusians tend to leave their country to study in Western countries. They also seem to prefer European universities. Belarusian authorities are doing everything to encourage students to study "at home". But how is this care expressed?
Serbia is getting closer and closer to an official candidacy for EU membership. It is now waiting for the Commission to give the green light in 2011. In the meantime, one may read the Progress Report which reviews the situation. True, Serbia has made strong steps so far, but at least two strides are needed: the arrest of war criminals Ratko Mladić and Goran Hadžić, and above all, a more constructive attitude towards Kosovo.