Nouvelle Europe interviewed Prof. Snyder of Yale University on the history of Central and Eastern European nations and on his works (such as Bloodlands and The Reconstruction of Nations).
Some Americans like the saying: America, love it or leave it. According to this article, the EU has a wholly different mantra going on. The EU suffers from what I intend to call the ‘love it or hate it’ syndrome’. Media, politicians and the public seem to either be frantically Europhile, or distinctly Eurosceptic. Meanwhile, a more nuanced version seems nowhere to be found. This article posits that as long as loving or hating stands in the way of reasoning on the Union, the EU will be unable to move forward. What is needed is the acknowledgement that there is no singular European identity with which we can all associate ourselves, which does not mean that there are no European identities at all.
With the upcoming US presidential elections in November 2012, the race for the White House is in full gear as both Democratic and Republican Parties are currently holding primaries. The first Republican presidential debate was held on May 5th of last year, followed by more than 25 others. As with any election, it is as interesting to see what is being talked about, as it is to see what is left out. So, what are Republican candidates saying (or not) about Europe?
The recent economic crisis affecting Belarus is seen as one of the harshest the country has ever been through. The government is covered in debts and has difficulties in paying for its imports, as its currency is constantly devalued. Consequently, it is forced to negotiate several economic and financial aid deals. Moreover, degrading relations with the West and unstable relations with Russia show the fragility of the country. Such a situation raises the question of the stability and longevity of the government. How to stay in power in such unfavourable conditions? Lukashenko has found parts of the answer: to reinforce relations with countries like China, Iran or Venezuela that have a similar vision of the world and international relations.
Vlora Çitaku the Minister for European Integration of Kosovo has already introduced herself as a very charming leader representing the younger political generation in Kosovo. One has to admit that this sounds really promising. Why does Kosovo need the European Union and what possible future prospects does it have today when the dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia has become so edgy?
The EU aims to export its own energy model towards the Energy Community partners in order to integrate them into its Energy Market, and therefore to reduce their dependence on Russian gas. On the other hand, the neighboring countries have to fully liberalize their energy markets by implementing the EU Energy acquis. This article will analyze the Moldovan and Ukrainian drive for a pan-European energy market.
The Russian Far East sounds as if it is in a remote distance outside of our daily perceptions. And yet, it is close to the hearts of those whose collective memory is rooted there: The Koryo-saram, or the half-a-million Russianized minority of ethnic Koreans living in the countries of the former Soviet Union.
In emulating conventional inter-state practices, the self-proclaimed Donetsk People’s Republic regularly sends notes diplomatiques to its fellow governments in South Ossetia, Abkhazia and other contested territories of the post-Soviet space. Their communication reveals the historical events they cherish as their own version of collective memory – and their misguided interpretation thereof.
Is the use of social media really a way for public institutions to reach a foreign population, engage in a two-way discussion and achieve one’s foreign policy goal? Or is it a lure of modernity that risks backfiring if not used well? With the largest Internet users’ community and the apparition of netizens, able to influence to some degree state policies, China is an interesting laboratory for EU digital diplomacy.
A decree by Petro Poroshenko, President of Ukraine, from 15th of May this year expanded the existing sanctions adopted over the annexation of Crimea and the support of separatists in eastern Ukraine. The new restrictions targeted the email service Mail.ru, Russian social networks Vkontakte and Odnoklassniki, and the search engine company Yandex. All four of them were among the top 10 of most popular sites in Ukraine according to the web traffic data company Alexa in May 2017.